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ritics and friends of Arvind N. Das sunk their often irreconcilable differences to pay tribute to him when his life was cut short in its prime on August 6.
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This was a rare occurrence in India considering the bitter divisiveness that permeates its rapidly shrinking space for intellectual pursuits. From Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, who stood at the opposite end of his political beliefs, to his comrades in the CPI(ML), Arvind received fulsome praise for his achievements as a social scientist, journalist, activist, documentary film-maker and Editor of Biblio.
While he was still around, Arvind’s critics, like his friends, would say much the same thing about him, though for entirely different reasons: “He refuses to grow up.” Arvind’s folly, in the eyes of the critics, was that late into his adult years, he continued to believe in causes he had embraced as an exceptionally gifted student at St. Stephen’s College in Delhi: class struggle, the emancipation of the peasantry from feudal oppression, rights of workers, the awakening of the Dalits and so forth. In an India where the buzz words are economic reforms, globalisation and market forces, Arvind’s advocacy of the wretched of the earth sounded odd to his critics: dogmatic, extremist, rhetorical, impractical or out of sync with the ‘real’ world.
For his friends, however, Arvind’s “refusal to grow up” was precisely what was so endearing about his personality. Not for him the double-speak of the politician, the smooth phrases of the diplomat, the opinionated babble of the scribe or the pedestrian outpourings of the academic. He said whatever he had to say clearly, forcefully and eloquently, taking care to lend a wider perspective to each issue, a historical perspective, or a perspective of political economy.
Indeed, he was so deeply attached to a vibrant debate that he would sometimes willfully exaggerate a point, introduce a note of vehemence in his tone or throw in a dash of irony or sarcasm just to keep the argument going. He thrived on dissent and prospered on polemics. His favourite question was: “Forget the facts for the moment. What is the theory?” And once he had stumped his interlocutor, he would proceed to advance a hypothesis with a conspiratorial hint that he was privy to some information not available to others which would prove him right.
More to the point, Arvind’s way of engaging in a debate was to challenge conventional wisdom, shift the dominant paradigm or alter the perspective in vogue from end to end. Though he was firmly located on the extreme fringe of the Left, he refused to be trapped in any ideological straightjacket. He appeared to cultivate his own anarchic streak—but to call him an anarchist wouldn’t be quite fair. Indeed, what held Arvind in thrall were scholars, politicians, artists, businessmen and others who chose to swim against the tide.
Those who knew him well were aware of the intense curiosity with which he followed the words
and actions of V.P. Singh—Arvind was an early adherent of Mandalism but later grew
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disillusioned with its implementation—or of another former Prime Minister, Chandrashekhar.
He had harsh comments to make on Laloo Prasad Yadav but he defended the Bihari leader tooth and nail if someone else dared to criticize him. He had much the same attitude to Jyoti Basu. For long years he had been contemptuous of the established Left parties but Bengal’s Chief Minister could do little wrong in his eyes. Nothing had got him more excited than the prospect of Basu heading the government at the Centre.
For certain individuals Arvind swore absolute loyalty. They included, in the first place, the Marxist historian, D.D. Kosambi. The writings of Kosambi were the prime source of his inspiration for the monumental 18-part documentary on the evolution of Indian civilization that he wrote, produced and directed for Doordarshan. He also drew on the works of Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib and Barun De. Amartya Sen was yet another favourite. At one time during his student years, Arvind was the only student of the future Nobel Prize winner.
But Arvind’s real obsession—the one that shaped his thinking, guided his written output and nourished his conversations—was his native Bihar. It can be said without exaggeration that no contemporary Indian thinker has spoken and written about the glorious past, the dismal present and potential for a great future of this state with such lofty eloquence as he did. In his eyes, Bihar was a metaphor for India itself. At a pinch, he would have deemed it to be the very centre of the universe. While he loathed its venal, caste-ridden, ineffective governance, the violent nature of its society, its decrepit intellectual and cultural life and the slothful ways of its elite, he never missed an opportunity to recall its rich cultural and spiritual legacy, the noble character of its long suffering people and the revolutionary potential of its youth. Two of his books—The Republic of Bihar and Changel. The Biography of a Village—bear vivid testimony to what the state meant to him.
All this explains why Arvind, who had acquired an enviable reputation as an academic and a journalist both at home and abroad, was never part of the Capital’s party circuit. He would have been completely out of place in this world noted for its philistine ways, its undercurrent of sleaze and its moral coarseness. He preferred to socialise with like-minded individuals, those who still valued books, nursed a social conscience, focussed on forces that shaped the lives of individuals, communities and nations and delighted in the arts of India.
Endowed with a free and open mind and a generous heart, Arvind answered every call for support and comfort, rushed to participate in every scheme which demanded a breath of imagination and, above all, stood by his hugely talented family and his friends. Even those of his friends who had abandoned the radicalism of the Left to seek fortune or fame in other ideological havens—or in the enclave of expediency—found him to be singularly lacking in rancour or recrimination.
In his last book Down and Out: Labouring under Global Capitalism, which he co-authored with Jan Bremen, the distinguished Dutch scholar, Arvind presented a bleak picture of the fate of the labourer in present times. Its central thesis is that globalisation and privatisation have pushed millions of workers to languish in squalor, poverty and misery and that no redemption is in sight for the near future. This is how the book ends:
“It is a gloomy scenario, one of exclusion of a large section of the people from the fruits of productivity to which they contribute. And yet, not only work but life itself must go on and dignity and hope, protest and resistance, honour and optimism must be asserted even in these dismal conditions. The forms of such assertion may not be dramatic; they may not be based on collective solidarity; they may have a mundane everyday quality; their locus may be the habitat, the home, the locality; the resisters and the protesters may relate to each other as neighbours rather than as co-workers—nevertheless, protest and resistance go on and mobilisation and organisation are carried out in different ways. As Galileo said in another context, ‘And yet it moves.’”
It is Arvind N. Das’s ebullient personality, his fine intellect, his inspired indignation against all forms of sham, prejudice and oppression and, equally, his sensitivity to anything that brought cheer and grace and dignity to individuals that his friends and colleagues, especially here at Biblio, will miss for a long, long time.
- DILEEP PADGAONKAR
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